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Part of the difficulty in reaping rewards from competition among private health plans is that the federal government pays these plans too much. As a result of legislation enacted in 2003 by a Republican Congress enamored of private plans, HMOs and other health plans in the Medicare Advantage program are paid substantially more than Medicare would spend on similar beneficiaries under fee for service (see graph). The Medicare Payment Advisory Commission (MedPAC) has estimated that the overpayment is 14%,1 or approximately $10 billion in 2008.2 But the overpayment is almost certainly larger, since this estimate does not take into account health plans' successful efforts to raise their risk-adjusted payment amounts by increasing the number and severity of the diagnoses that they report.3
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The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) has begun the process of reducing payments to Medicare Advantage plans. Rates for 2010 will average 4.0 to 4.5% lower, in nominal dollars, than rates for 2009, reflecting a 3.4% adjustment for diagnostic coding intensity, an assumption that fee-for-service Medicare expenditures will increase by only 0.8% from 2009 to 2010, and other technical adjustments in the rate-setting process.4
In a sharp departure from the government-administered pricing systems that Medicare has traditionally used, and belying concerns that Obama is a closet socialist, the president's budget proposes to use a competitive bidding system to determine payment rates to Medicare Advantage plans starting in 2012. The budget provides no details about how such a system would work, but in broad outline it is similar to proposals made by market-oriented economists. If it is well designed, a competitive bidding approach can establish a stable and effective mechanism for paying health plans, as well as attenuate some of the geographic inequities in an administered pricing system that is based on fee-for-service expenditure levels.5
If the overpayment is substantially reduced, the most rapidly growing part of Medicare Advantage — private fee-for-service plans — will almost surely undergo a rapid reversal of fortune. These plans add almost no value to care delivery: they do not use a network of providers, nor do they engage in substantial utilization management or quality improvement. They are popular largely because the extra payments lavished on them by the federal government allow them to provide additional benefits to enrollees. It would be difficult to find a well-respected policy analyst to defend the existence of these plans.
There remains substantial debate about why competition among HMOs has not produced the benefits hypothesized by private-market advocates and about the future role of HMOs in Medicare. Some analysts assert that private plans inevitably create large increases in administrative costs, siphon off valuable resources for executive salaries and profits, create hassles for patients and physicians, and cannot be held accountable by patients or the public. In this view, there is no constructive role for health plans as intermediaries between the government and health care providers.
Arguments on the other side start with a recitation of the ills of the fee-for-service system — perverse incentives, lack of accountability, difficulty in providing coordinated care for people with chronic illness, overpayment for high technology, decisions regarding coverage of new technology in which politics sometimes trumps evidence, and the inability to create an environment in which physicians and administrators can work cooperatively to figure out how many and what type of health care resources are needed to take care of an enrolled population. According to proponents of these arguments, competition among private plans might cure some of the ills of the fee-for-service payment system, because private health plans could work more flexibly and cooperatively with physicians and hospitals than can the federal government to figure out how best to use health care resources to improve patients' health.
Health plans, however, can prosper much more easily by getting Congress or the CMS to enact favorable payment rules than by working to transform the delivery system. And if they are unsuccessful in lobbying for such rules, they can always fall back on the tried-and-true methods of attracting favorable risks and discouraging enrollment of people who are most in need of care. The CMS's risk-adjusted payment methods reduce but do not eliminate the rewards of "cherry picking" and "lemon dropping." With a few exceptions, such as the integrated Kaiser Permanente Health Plan and a few large, multispecialty medical groups paid by capitation, it is hard to point to substantial progress made by health plans in reorganizing the delivery system for quality and efficiency.
If there is any chance of improving quality and efficiency through competition among health plans, the government must do much more than simply level the payment playing field. It must also hold plans accountable for the care they provide and minimize plans' ability to prosper through favorable risk selection. Although it remains unclear exactly how to create an environment in which competition will produce value, the kinds of actions needed include requiring that plans provide encounter-level information on the content and cost of health care services, defining quality-improvement goals and evaluating success in achieving them, requiring that plans demonstrate that health care providers see them at least in part as facilitators of the health care delivery process rather than adversaries to be outwitted, and requiring that plans demonstrate that they have implemented processes for end-of-life care that lead to improvements in physician–patient communication and ensure that patients' preferences are respected. The CMS must also invest heavily in the development of the technology for measuring and reporting health plan performance, including the development of information on the cost and quality of care provided under fee-for-service Medicare.
Accountability is the holy grail in health care purchasing. It is nearly impossible for the government to hold the nation's hundreds of thousands of physicians and thousands of hospitals individually accountable for health care quality and efficiency. It is certainly very difficult, but perhaps not completely impossible, for some combination of the government (through active management) and beneficiaries (through their choice of coverage) to hold health plans accountable for the care they provide.
To do so, the CMS would need to actively manage competition among plans, armed with a flexible set of rewards and sanctions to encourage plans to perform well. It is not clear whether Congress would be comfortable providing the CMS with the discretion or administrative resources needed to create greater accountability, nor is it clear whether effectively managed competition would produce value for beneficiaries and taxpayers. However, it is clear that as long as the CMS lacks the mandate, resources, and flexibility to hold private health plans accountable, these plans will not add value to the Medicare program. And given the intrinsic difficulties in improving quality and efficiency under fee for service, attempting to nurture the development of accountable health plans is a sensible approach.
No potential conflict of interest relevant to this article was reported.
Source Information
Dr. Kronick is a professor and chief of the Division of Health Care Sciences, Department of Family and Preventive Medicine, University of California, San Diego, School of Medicine, La Jolla.
References
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